Friday, 8 June 2012

“FAITH SEEKING UNDERSTANDING” SERIES


LEARNING FROM THE APOSTOLIC CHURCHES: THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH IN JERUSALEM


By

S. ’Jide Komolafe


(Continued from “What On Earth Is The Church?”)


The Christian community in Jerusalem had a position of special privilege among the Jewish Christian communities of primitive times. As a parent-church of all the later communities, we gain insights into the beginnings of Christianity, not merely as a religion, but also as a system of life and action. It is, therefore, proper that we begin our discussion by setting the context of the church within its historical significance.


The Context of the Church

There is much dispensational distinction regarding the actual birthday of the church. While some scholars have ascribed the birth of the church to the Pentecost event, others see it as a significant event that functioned only as a “reconstitution of the church.” The latter view holds that the Old Testament sacerdotal kahal has been replaced by the witnessing ekklesia of the New Testament. Both arguments have been given considerable attention. However, there is need to place both the Old and the New Testaments in a larger perspective of redemptive history, with the beginning of the Church as the climatic point in that history.[1]
 

Pentecost and the Historical Significance of Jerusalem

When consideration is given to Luke’s account of Jesus’ valedictory charge to his disciples not to “leave Jerusalem, but wait for the gift my Father promised” (Acts. 1:4), and the response this elicited from the disciples about the restoration of the kingdom to Israel (Acts. 1:6), Luke places the Church’s origin, and growth firmly in history. The promise of the Holy Spirit and the geographical framework of Spirit-empowered witnessing will start from Jerusalem and then progress to the “uttermost part of the world” (Acts. 1:8). In this scheme of salvation history, Jerusalem takes a central place in the salvation occurrence and also represents some kind of continuity between Israel and the Church.

In fact, New Testament scholars have observed that Luke “uses geography as a literary and theological instrument. The center of his story is the city of Jerusalem. The whole movement . . . is toward Jerusalem.”[2] For example, in the infancy account, Jesus is presented in the Jerusalem temple (Lk. 2:22), he was discovered there after being lost (Lk. 2:41-51), the Matthean account of the temptation of Jesus is reversed by Luke so that it climaxed in Jerusalem (Lk. 4:9), at transfiguration, Jesus’ journey and death is foretold to happen at Jerusalem (Lk. 9:31), and after resurrection, Jesus informs his disciples to remain in Jerusalem.

The same centrality of Jerusalem controls the book of Acts. The witnessing to Judea, Samaria, and to the end of the earth is away from Jerusalem (chapters 1-7), evangelization starts from Jerusalem (chapters 8-28), and circles back to Jerusalem (Acts. 12:25; 15:2; 18:22; 19:21; 20:16; 21:13; 25:1).

Events on the day of Pentecost left no one with any doubts that the time had fully come for the promised Holy Spirit. The arrival of the Holy Spirit was accompanied by miraculous manifestations such as the “sound like the blowing of a violent wind,” and a linguistic diversity that crosses the Palestinian borders into other native languages (Acts. 2:2-12). The tongues of fire that divided and rested on each of them not only suggested unity, but to a greater degree represented the universal scope of the new experience.

Peter’s interpretation of Pentecost in light of the eschatological event announced by the prophet Joel (Acts. 2:16-21; Joel 2:28-32) demonstrates further the continuity between Israel and the Church. It also carries an appeal that would influence the Jews in the direction of a favorable view of the church. The Pentecost experience brings to fulfillment under the present dispensation that which Yahweh had promised His people (Acts. 2:16). It also defines many of the Old Testament pre-exilic prophecies of the eschatological event of the “last days” when God’s rule will be established in all the earth, and all nations will worship the God of Israel (Isa. 2:2-4). It is a messianic future in the life of Israel when they will be saved under the rule of their king, which is the messianic King from the dynasty of David.

Part of this messianic Kingship was the coming of the Holy Spirit, and Peter’s sermon thus affirms that the last days of eschatological salvation have come “for all people.” The central motif of Acts in this respect is the development of the Church from an assembly of a Jewish sect to a universal Church through the exaltation and enthronement of Jesus, the messiah (Acts. 2:22ff.). In this Pentecostal reconstitution of the church, Luke places the Church in the context of redemptive history and the task to which it has been called (Acts. 1:8).

The micro ekklesia made up of the disciples of Jesus, the women accompanying Mary, the mother of Jesus, and his brothers, has now become a new fellowship of a universal people, united in the Spirit. There is, therefore, more claim than to simply argue that Pentecost defines the birthday of the Church. Rather, one can argue that the coming of the Spirit and the Church are inseparable.

The Church, therefore, is not a religious institution but is a creation of the Spirit of God in which heterogeneous groupings are joined together in a fellowship with Jesus and with each other. As Ladd rightly remarks, “The baptism with the Spirit is the act of the Holy Spirit joining together into a spiritual unity people of diverse racial extractions and diverse social backgrounds so that they form the body of Christ, the ekklesia.[3]


Composition of the Jerusalem Church[4]

Studies on Jerusalem as an ancient city in the Roman period have expressed a common belief that it was a very diverse city both sociologically and culturally. How then did the Jerusalem church reflect this socio-economic and cultural diversity? Put in another way, how did the socio-economic and cultural character of the city, Jerusalem, correspond to the composition of the church in Jerusalem?

Drawing from the works of historians, theologians and archeologists, David Fiensy has observed, “the primitive church reflected to a great extent the rich diversity of Jerusalem itself.”[5] In other words, the church was pluralistic in character, drawing its membership from among the different socio-economic and cultural matrix of the society. There were property owners who, in our contemporary method of social stratification, would suffice for the middle class. Examples of this class include Barnabas, Ananias and Sapphira who possessed lands (Acts. 4:36f.; 5:1), Mary, mother of John Mark, owned a slave and a house large enough to serve as a place of assembly for the primitive church (Acts. 12:12-17).

The church also finds appeal among the outcast and marginal elements of society. For example, the beggars and the diseased people healed by the apostles (Acts. 3:1-10; 5:12-16). There were also significant numbers of impoverished people like the widows in Acts 6:1, other transient and destitute persons cared for by the church (Acts. 2:44f.; 4:34), and also servile members like Rhoda (Acts. 12:13).

There can be no question to the fact that non-Jews also had their place in the church. Among the perplexed crowd that experienced the Pentecost event were also Gentiles from different nations (Acts. 2:7-12) who believed and were baptized in response to Peter’s preaching that day—a total of three thousand (Acts. 2:41). In a few weeks the number had increased to five thousand men, not including women and children. Perhaps one of the best accounts of Luke was the brotherly recognition granted the uncircumcised Cornelius by the Jerusalem Council. Confronted by the Council over his table fellowship with the Gentile, Peter’s explanation of the Spirit coming upon the Cornelius brought a new reality to the Jerusalem church that God was now granting “even Gentiles repentance unto life” (Acts. 11:18).

In spite of the socio-economic and cultural differences, the young church was a community bearing a family character, the members’ commitment to unity was inescapable, and thus was to an extent outwardly distinct group.


Contextual Issues in the Jerusalem Church

As I have already observed, the extended narrative of Acts provides for us a framework within which the church’s orientation and direct continuity with Israel can be situated. It also provides us with contextual issues that arose as a result of the church’s historical affiliation to Israel. Since the church’s conception of identity is rooted in specific salvation history, continuity between her Jewish roots and the fledging Gentile frontiers, therefore, depends largely on how well these contextual issues are reconciled.


Legalism Battle: Is Salvation by Law or by Grace?

A major and threatening contextual issue that had to be resolved can best be described in the words of James Dunn. According to him, it is one of “classic confrontation between old revelation, confirmed by centuries of history, and a new insight, given. . . in the course of an expanding, developing mission.”[6] Luke states very clearly that certain Jewish believers, allegedly representing the Jerusalem church, who believed circumcision as axiomatic for the salvation of Gentiles and a requirement for sharing in Israel’s blessings (Acts. 15:1).


Circumcision as Identity Marker

Circumcision is “Israel’s essential identity marker” and constitutes its distinctiveness as a people. Laid down in Genesis 17:9-14, it is an everlasting covenant in their flesh, reminding them of the covenant between Yahweh, the God of Israel, and the patriarch Abraham and his descendants. To disregard circumcision, therefore, is to break the covenant and be deprived of the promises of Yahweh, losing in the process their sense of identity and ultimate status as God’s people (Gen. 17:10-14).

To the protagonists of this unbroken tradition, the Jewish character of Christianity not only has to be secured but its continuity and efficacy have to be linked to this unbroken tradition. This posed a threatening situation for both the young church and the Gentile mission, which by this time was experiencing an impressive growth. Would Gentile believers be required to be circumcised in order to be justified? If that became a requirement for church membership, how then was one to be justified before God; through circumcision or by the saving faith in Jesus Christ?

Two key issues are central to this contextual issue. First, there is the threat of division in the church and the possibility of one side becoming apostate. Second, and perhaps the more important, is the deep theological concern and the soteriological implications this raises for both the mother church at Jerusalem and for the fledging Gentile mission. The question arising in both issues is the future assumption that one has to change cultures in order to be a follower of Jesus.


The Ministry of the Jerusalem Church

The life of the primitive church in Jerusalem provides us with a paradigm for ministry. We gain insight into the nature and strategy for ministry issues that become the test case against which our modern conception of ministry stands or falls (Jude 3-4). The interpretation of the movement up to Jerusalem, and from Jerusalem by many commentators as the story of Christian missions is not an inappropriate one. As important as this may be, however, it robs the book of Acts of its central theological purpose. As J.C. O’Neill has observed, “Acts is not primarily a history of the Christian missions. It is the account of how the Church discovered its true nature in the way God dealt with it on the path from Jerusalem.”[7] The Lucan narrative sets this ideal for ministry with three distinct characteristics: the liturgical life and worship of the primitive church, harmony and community sharing, and the charismatic ministry of the apostles (Ac. 2:42, 46; 4:32-35; 5:12-16).


Liturgical Life and Worship

The early chapters of Acts provide us with the primitive church’s patterns of behavior and piety that owe as much to pragmatic concerns as to dogma. In this embrace of a new life, the believers “devoted themselves to the apostle’s teaching and to the fellowship, to the breaking of bread and to prayer” (Acts. 2:42). Four elements appear to characterize a Christian gathering in the primitive church: devotion to the apostles’ teaching (didache), fellowship, breaking of bread, and prayer.

First, “the apostles’ teaching” or didache was central to the belief of the new believers and distinguished them from the adherents of other religions. Ladd summarizes this well when he remarks, “[the apostles’ teaching] included the meaning of the life, death, and exaltation of Jesus, his enthronement as messianic King and Lord inaugurating the messianic age of blessing, and the future eschatological consummation.”[8]

The second element was their sense of “fellowship.” The reference is not simply to the apostle’s fellowship or as something that the apostles were now opening up to accommodate more people; rather it denotes the common life shared by believers. The quality of their fellowship was one of active participation by all rather than merely a feeling of oneness.

The third element, “the breaking of bread” (Acts. 2:42, 46), was markedly an act of worship in the primitive church with a twofold expression. First, it recalled the Upper Room and other incidents in which Jesus resumed table fellowship with his disciples (Lk. 24:35; Jn. 21:12). Second, the common fellowship meals form a bond with the Lord and impose the obligation of holy service for his sake.

These fellowship meetings not only commemorate proximity and presence with the risen Lord, but also help to foster inner cohesion among the faithful. As Schnackenburg has remarked, “In this. . . the nature of the ‘Church of God’ as the holy ‘assembly’ of the Lord or of the people of God found particularly clear expression.”[9] Finally, prayer was an important part of their daily life, both in temple worship and in private meetings (Acts. 2:46).


Harmony and Community Sharing

The distinctive expression of fellowship in the Jerusalem community has been a subject of much controversy in New Testament studies. Some scholars have described the practice of sharing of possessions among the believers as primitive communism. It is, however, questionable if this is a fair assessment or the right word to use in describing the quality of fellowship among these believers. First, we know that to be considered a communist system, whether primitive or otherwise, requires a system of operation to be put in place to ensure continuity. This was not the case with the Jerusalem church. Second, donations and contributions were not enforced but voluntary as the case of Ananias and Sapphira clearly indicates (Acts. 5:1-11).

Despite contemporary intellectual exercise, the more important thing is to recognize that an important element of early Christian behavior was the unity of mind and purpose. This signified the mark of spiritual unity in worship that transcended the bounds of private possessions. The primitive church was compelled by such an outward expression of love that none considered their property as their own. Instead, holders of property held their wealth at the service of the church, and lavishly used it for the good of all. In other words, the driving force was the recognition that the love of property was subordinate to the love of the Christian family.

The fact that Barnabas is especially commended for selling his field suggests that such generosity was a very rare occurrence and was completely voluntary. Similarly, the case of Ananias and Sapphira in Acts 5:4 clearly indicates that the couple was not condemned for failing to turn all their proceeds to the church, but for pretending to be more generous than they really were. The misconduct of Ananias and Sapphira, therefore, introduces us to different aspects in the life of the primitive church. First, their action underscored the necessity for holy living required of those engaged in worship. Peter’s unassuming stand portrays a powerful impulse for moral uprightness in which sin is taken seriously. It also demonstrates the church’s responsibility to deal with misconduct and ethical issues among the body of believers.


The Theology of the Jerusalem Church[10]

The theology of the Jerusalem Church corresponds exactly to the contextual character of the church. I have shown that in Lucan scheme of redemptive history, Jerusalem takes a central place in the salvation occurrence and also represents some kind of continuity between Israel and the Church. I have also examined the context of the Jerusalem church as comprising both Jewish and Gentile believers. The key theological issue, therefore, is one that seeks to reconcile the significance of circumcision to Jewish believers with the conditions placed on Gentile believers by which they could be admitted to full religious fellowship. In this instance, I refer once more to the Jerusalem church Council.


The Jerusalem Church Council

The Jerusalem council required delegates from the conflicting parties in deliberations that were pivotal to the very existence of the church. On the one hand were the legalistic Judaizers who saw the continuity of Jewish tradition as essential to the Christian faith, while on the other were those of Paul and Barnabas leading the liberal Gentile delegation (Acts. 15:1-2). Two issues deserve special consideration here: Circumcision versus Salvation and The Apostolic Decree.


Legalism Battle: Is Salvation by Law or by Grace?

Here I want to revisit the issue of circumcision in the legislative battle between law and grace as the requirement for salvation and of admittance into the eschatological community. The issue of circumcision appears on the surface to be solely a contextual or cultural one. As much as it is a contextual issue, it is, however, one of deep theological concern with soteriological implications. Three factors make the circumcision issue a theological problem. First, the requirement of circumcision would greatly hinder the work of evangelism that had begun among the Gentiles (Gal. 2:2). Second, it poses a threat to unity, with the possibility of division and factions. Third, and perhaps the greatest, is the issue of justification by saving faith in Jesus Christ (Gal. 5:2-4).

That the Jerusalem Council reached a genuine consensus “not to burden” the Gentile believers with circumcision as basis for admission into full Christian fellowship holds itself to the fact that God had taken an initiative which they could not gainsay. This is where the lengthy account of Cornelius’ conversion becomes the decisive precedent in the circumcision issue. Dunn here refers to Peter as “the bridge-man who spanned and held together the Gentile mission of Paul and the conservatism of the Jerusalem church under the leadership of James.”[11]

The initiative was that God had shown Peter through the vision of the sheet filled with animals that no person is unclean in His eyes. Consequently, Peter was forced by clear directive and approval from God to accept a Gentile, as a new member of the new movement (indicated in baptism), without requiring of him first to be circumcised (Acts. 10:9-48). The Cornelius episode was, however, not an isolated event when we take into account other similar incidents as confirmed by Paul and Barnabas with regards to their Gentile mission (Acts. 15:12). These occurrences were seen as having divine approval in that God had given the Holy Spirit to the Gentiles “just as He did to us” (Acts. 15:8; 11:15-17).

James alludes to the legitimacy of Peter’s experience with Cornelius and also considers it to be the fulfillment of God’s eschatological restoration of His people in the Messiah as prophesied by Amos (Acts. 15:15-18; Amos 9:11-12). More importantly, the gift of the Spirit was considered God’s testimony of the Gentiles’ acceptability to Him, as well as an indication of the new paradigm concerning His redemptive purpose in which the restoration of Israel would incorporate Gentiles as also His people.

By speaking of the Gentiles becoming “a people [laos]” for God’s name (Acts. 15:14), James articulates the new understanding in which God radically redefines peoplehood or the people of God as coming from among all nations. As David Hesselgrave and Edward Rommen have observed, “it thus became apparent that salvation depended on the individual’s relationship to God rather than to the tradition and institutions of any particular ethnic group.”[12]

In summation, the results of the Jerusalem Council were a clear victory for the Holy Spirit. The Jerusalem church unanimously recognized that salvation was by grace alone, and that the Gentiles needed only believe (Acts. 15:14-21). In the words of Dean Gilliland, this “was a radical move toward . . . contextualization [because] it signaled to Gentiles, as well as to Jews, that salvation no longer belonged only to Jews.”[13] Dunn puts it equally well by interpreting the centrality of Acts 5:1-15 thus:

that the grace of the Lord Jesus is both the necessary and the sufficient means of salvation for Jew and Gentile. The denial of any significance for ethnic or ritual factors enables unconditional recognition of every one’s dependence equally on divine grace. Failure to acknowledge this is to ‘test’/resist God.[14]


The Apostolic Decree: Redefining the Covenant

The Jerusalem church Council did not make a total concession to the Gentile churches. Although the Council recognized that circumcision was not a requirement for full Christian fellowship, it did send out to the Gentile churches a decree that adopts some measure of Jewish legal prescriptions. The first three prescriptions mentioned in Acts refer to food restrictions: to abstain from food that has been offered to idols (Acts. 15:20, 29; 21:25), to abstain from meat of animals which had been strangled and from which the blood had not been properly drained (Lev. 7:26-27; 17: 10-14). The fourth prescription was an ethical one and bothers on sexual immorality in general (Acts. 15:20), or of sexual union forbidden in Scripture (Lev. 18:6-18).

There is much controversy in New Testament studies whether or not these restrictions are either ethical, ritualistic, or a combination of both. Even more important is the interpretation that the decree is a “defeat” for Paul’s teaching of “salvation through faith alone.” Such an interpretation takes the Scripture, especially Acts 15:21, out of context. For Luke the decree cannot be considered burdensome nor surprising for Gentiles or the resident alien who, through their contact with the Synagogues, had become familiar with the law of Moses and the sort of ritual provision found there which provided a basis for interaction between Jews and Gentiles.

The issue, therefore, is not so much a contention as to who won or lost at the conference, but rather of the terms necessary to facilitate social intercourse between Jewish and Gentile believers by encouraging at least a minimum of ritual cleanness. The decision of the apostolic church council, therefore, played a vital role as the basis of mixed churches. Not only did the church survive the greatest threat of division and of splitting into small groups, it solved the problem of the relationship between Jews and Gentiles. The oneness of the Church was thus reinforced, bringing both Jewish and Gentile believers together around the one table of the Lord.


(Next series: The Church in Rome)

REFERENCES:

[1] In Luke-Acts history is divided into three stages: the period of Israel, the period of Jesus, and the period of the church, which is the greatest period of sacred history.
[2] Luke T. Johnson, The Writings of the New Testament (1999:220).
[3] George E. Ladd, A Theology of the New Testament (1993:384).
[4] I acknowledge David Fiensy, whose work has largely influenced the perspective adopted here. See his work, “The Composition of the Jerusalem Church” (1995:213-234).
[5] David Fiensy (1995:214).

[6] For details, see James Dunn, The Acts of the Apostles (1996:198-199).
[7] J.C. O’Neill, The Theology of Acts in its Historical Setting (1961:170).
[8] George E. Ladd, A Theology of the New Testament (1993:386).
[9] Schnackenburg (1965:43).
[10] A full theology of Luke-Acts must necessarily deal with issues such as salvation history, Christology, the Spirit and the Church, missiological ecclesiology, and persecution. My aim in this series is not to attempt this comprehensive exposition but to focus my theological interpretation on contextual issues that arose in the life of the Jerusalem church.
[11] James Dunn, The Acts of the Apostles (1996:200).
[12] David J Hesselgrave and Edward Rommen, Contextualization: Meanings, Methods, and Models (1989:11).
[13] Dean Gilliland, Pauline Theology and Mission Practice (1983:39).
[14] James Dunn, The Acts of the Apostles (1996:201-202).

“FAITH SEEKING UNDERSTANDING”: WHAT ON EARTH IS THE CHURCH?


By

S. ’Jide Komolafe


(Continued from “EL SUBSIDY CHURCH OF CHRIST, INC.”)

The New Testament documents set the stage for all church history. They offer a series of explanations for the transition from Jesus’ earthly ministry to the development of the Church. The purpose of a classical starting point, therefore, is to enable us reflect on what the Early Church might contribute to our contemporary understanding of the church. This is necessary because our contemporary conception of the English word “church” is punctuated with so many confusions and ambiguities that many years after the Reformation, we still cannot securely determine what exactly is meant each time the word “church” is mentioned. In other words, what is it that makes our own “church” painfully disparate with the Church of both apostolic and post-apostolic periods? Even in cases where appeals have been made to the Greek word, ekklēsia, the same terminological confusion remains.

This ambiguity is not limited to our understanding of the church alone. Recent scholarship has emphasized the diversity of theological interests that have influenced responses to culturally related questions that are found within the New Testament itself. Similarly, ecclesiology, the field that deals with the doctrine of the church, is not exempt from this problem.[1] Although I do not intend to argue that an etymological study of the Greek word, ekklēsia, as used in the Bible is sufficient to formulate a theology of the Church, it does help, however, to place our grasp of the Church in a proper perspective.


Etymological Analysis of Biblical Presuppositions

As already noted, the English word, “church,” has become the primary term for designating the idea of the church either as an institution or as the Christian community. Although this English translation has largely assumed the meaning of the Greek word ekklēsia (assembly), its contemporary comprehension is misleading and does not correctly translate the common classical usage in New Testament Greek.[2] Our conception of Church today carries with it a translation of different Greek derivative, kyriakon, (that which is the Lord’s).[3]

Opinions on the etymology of the word “Church” differ today so much that Roberts has cautioned, “we ought to avoid the frequent error of etymological fallacy.”[4] It is not my intention to engage in a broad treatment of the word; nevertheless, a brief analysis of the designation of ekklēsia in the Scripture is necessary so as to understand the perspective adopted in this series.


Ekklesia in the Old Testament

The popular etymology of the word ekklesia is connected with the Greek verb ekkaleo, meaning “to call out” or to “summon.” In classical Greek, the ekklesia was clearly characterized as a political phenomenon. It referred to the conveyed assembly of the people of a city-state, the supreme legislative and judicial body in the democratic system. Usually the citizens were summoned by the trumpet of the kerux (herald) to the ekklesia (assembly) in which fundamentally political and judicial decisions were made. The ekklesia or the general assembly of the citizens thus constituted the ultimate power with unlimited rights to make decisions with regards to constitutional and state matters.

In the Greek translation of the Old Testament (Septuagint), the Jews adopted the same Greek word ekklesia to translate the Hebrew word, qahal, which also originally meant a company summoned for a definite purpose by a trumpet call (Num. 10:2, 7).[5] The Jews seized on this Greek word because it was suitable to describe their assemblies before an “Ultimate Authority,” the God of Israel. Deuteronomy 9:10, for example, records the first occurrence of the ekklesia as a decisive moment in the history of Israel when the people were assembled before Jehovah at Sinai where He covenanted with them as His people.

Later assemblies of the people renew this ekklesia of the Lord and are sometimes called the “assembly of the Lord” (Deu. 23:1-4), “assembly of God” (Neh. 13:1), “assembly of the people of the Lord” (Judg. 20:2), “assembly of the holy ones” (Psa. 149:1), “the people of Jehovah.”[6] The importance of this ekklesia as a holy assemblage unto the Lord is further demonstrated by the fact that those with bodily defects cannot enter (Deu. 23:1f.).

Although ekklesia was used mostly to translate the Hebrew equivalent, qahal, another Hebrew word that came to approximate in meaning is edah. Edah, however, was used to translate synagogē, the Hebrew word for “congregation.” Unlike qahal which denotes the “assembly of the Lord,” edah was used mostly in the sense of the Jewish people as a community, the assembly of the community, and finally for the building where the group met.[7]

The above brief analysis, therefore, suggests that while qahal (ekklesia) was a word with theological potential in the sense that it described Israel as the people of God, edah functioned more as a name or a technical term for Jewish communities. Giles’ position is an agreeable one when he suggests that “[t]he early Christians generally found the word synagōguē uncongenial because this was a name for Jewish communities, and the buildings they met in, and so its close associate, ekklēsia, was preferred.”[8]


Ekklesia in the New Testament

Ekklesia in the New Testament generally does not have as much emphasis in pre-Pauline thoughts as in the writings and usage of the apostle. The word occurs only in one of the four gospels, Matthew, and is used only two times in that gospel (16:18; 18:17). Considered along with its Pauline conceptions, however, the word has a basic two-fold meaning. First, it refers in some sense to a universal context as we can infer from Jesus’ statement, “Upon this rock I will build my Church” (Mat 16:18). Then it takes on a specific local context as in Paul’s reference to, for example, “the church of the Thessalonians” (1 Th. 1:1). It is, therefore, important to do a brief analysis of the word in both its pre-Pauline and Pauline conceptions.


Ekklesia in the Gospels

As I have already indicated, the word ekklesia is confined to two passages of Matthew in the Gospels. We see its first occurrence in Matthew 16:18. Following Peter’s confession, “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God,” Jesus’ response was, “On this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of Hades shall not prevail against it.” The precise meaning of Jesus’ response has become a subject of hermeneutical controversy especially when consideration is given to the polemics deriving from later Christian history. My understanding, however, is the absolute universal sense of Jesus’ usage of ekklesia in this passage.

Although many scholars hold the view that its use by Jesus is an anachronism, depicting it strictly as a post-resurrection institution. This notwithstanding, its use within the context of Matthew 16:18 presupposes a messianic community which Jesus was already beginning to assemble at this time in his ministry.[9] Christ’s Church (ekklesia), in this sense, is not limited to the assembly of Jesus’ disciples alone but includes the great company of those who confess his messiahship. Our understanding of Christ’s lordship of the universal Church is further heightened by Jesus’ promise of resurrection. The full force of evil will come against this divinely instituted community, but so powerful will the Messiah’s people be that the opposition from the “gates of Hades” must give way before them.

The second reference to the ekklesia in the Gospels is Matthew 18:15-17. Unlike Jesus’ usage of ekklesia in chapter 16 that has both futuristic and universal connotations, the usage of ekklesia in chapter 18 is rather present and local. Since it is virtually impossible to report one’s brother’s fault to the universal Church, it makes sense to conclude then that the passage is referring to how the followers of Jesus are to settle disputes in a given ekklesia. Hort puts it well when he states, “[t]he actual precept is hardly intelligible if the ekklesia meant is not the Jewish community, apparently the Jewish local community, to which the injured person and the offender belonged.”[10] Even then, the universal reasonableness of this “principle holds good in a manner for all time.”[11]


Ekklesia in the Pauline Epistles

Ekklesia is used 62 times in the Pauline corpus, and generally refers to “the reality of the Christian community” or “to the groups of those who met in the name of Christ.”[12] Paul explicitly or implicitly used ekklesia in various contexts. Although the meaning he attaches to ekklesia depends on each particular context, his use is distinguished from the regular unconstitutional assembly (Act. 19:32) or the political assembly (Act 19:39, 41) as we see in other New Testament texts. For Paul, the ekklesia “is in God the Father and in the Lord Jesus Christ” and are given four different expressions (1 Th. 1:1).[13]


Ekklesia as a Local Assembly or Congregation

The first of Paul’s usage, in chronological ordering, appears in 1 Thessalonica 1:1 and refers to the local congregation of the Christians at Thessalonica. In this case, and in many other similar instances, Paul’s ekklesia is “not a metaphor, but a term descriptive of an identifiable object.”[14] For example, Paul’s strong requests (“I charge you”) to the believers at Thessalonica that his letter be read “to all the brothers” clearly indicates that he has a specific assembly in mind, the assembly of Christians at Thessalonica (1 Th. 5:25-27). Other instances of Paul’s ekklesia in reference to an identifiable reality include “the church in Cenchrea” (Rom. 16:1), “the church of God in Corinth” (1 Cor. 1:2; 2 Co. 1:1), and “the church of the Laodiceans” (Col. 4:16).


Ekklesiai: Geographic and Generic

Paul also uses ekklesiai in the plural sense when he wishes to refer to more than one church. This plural usage, however, can be further subdivided into two categories: ekklesiai with reference to a larger geographical area,[15] and as a generic term.[16] First, Paul employs the plural word (ekklesiai) when he wishes to make a reference to a group of churches within a larger geographical area such as “the churches of Asia” (1 Cor. 16:19), “the churches in Galatia” (1 Cor. 16:1; Gal. 1:1), “the churches in Macedonia” (2 Cor. 8:1), and “the churches of Judea” (Gal. 1:22; 1 Th. 2:14).

Second, Paul uses ekklesiai in a generic sense. For example, in addressing the issue of conduct in nonessential matters, he urges the Corinthians to have a tender concern for all, Jews, Greeks and the Church of God so as not to “cause anyone to stumble” (1 Cor. 10:32). This intentionally inclusive language does not seem to address any of the “old categories” (Jews and Gentiles) but to a “new category” of those “being saved.”[17]


Ekklesia in the House

The third expression of ekklesia in the Pauline corpus refers to those of smaller groups. Examples include “the church that meets at [the house of Priscilla and Aquila]” in Rome (Rom. 16:3-5), of the same couple in Ephesus (1 Cor. 16:19), that of Nympha in Laodicea (Col. 4:15) and that of Philemon in Colosse (Phm.2).


Ekklesia as a Heavenly and Eschatological Entity

Paul’s other usage of ekklesia can be interpreted in the “already-not yet” eschatological framework. In a sense, Paul considers the earthly, historical ekklesia to be a preliminary and partial (“already”) rescuing “from the dominion of darkness” (Col. 1:12-14), with very important earthly responsibilities, shape and form (Col. 3:4; 4:6) striving towards eschatological (“not yet”) reunion with Christ, “the head of the body, that is the church” (Col. 1:18; 3:1; 3-4). This future ekklesia is the “Jerusalem on high,” an allegorical reference to the old Jewish personification of the holy city as the mother of many children (Gal. 4:26f.).[18] “Christ is all, and is in all” in this eschatological ekklesia, and in him “there is no Greek or Jew, circumcised or uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave or free” (Col. 3:11).


Paul, Israel, and the Church

The relationship between Israel and the Church has become a crucial reference point in systematic theology, especially among dispensationalists and non-dispensationalists. It is not my intention, and neither is it within the scope of this series, to engage in the dispensationalist argument of a spiritual absorption of God’s promises to Israel by the Church. My attempt in this series is to apply the term (“already-not yet”) to interpret Paul’s understanding of the relation between the earthly ekklesia and the heavenly, future ekklesia.

It should be noted that Paul’s primary application of ekklesia has to do with “the assembly of God” composed of Jews, Gentiles or a mixture of both. In such instances, “there is no indication that the ekklesia is divided into ekklesiai, or vice versa.”[19] Rather, the reality of the church for Paul finds expression and continuity in its universality with Christ as the Head of the body (Eph. 1:22; Co. 1:24). Furthermore, this reality is metaphorically expressed in his application of the household code such as the unity between husband and wife in becoming “one flesh” (Eph. 5:31).[20]

Having attempted an analysis of the different expressions undergirding the use of the word “Church” in Scripture, I now turn to look at some selected New Testament churches in their different contexts. By so doing I hope to find those “relevant clues” in the attempt to formulate an understanding of contextual ecclesiology and to establish the observation that the Church by her calling and nature exists at the center of the continuum between Scripture and context.

(To be continued)



[1] See especially the works of James D.G. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New Testament: An Inquiry into the Character of Earliest Christianity (1990). See also E. Käsemann and Raymond Brown, “Unity and Diversity in New Testament Ecclesiology” (1963).
[2] F.J.A. Hort, The Christian Ecclesia (1914:1-21); J.W. Roberts, “The Meaning of Ekklesia in the New Testament” (1972:27-36); William Stewart, The Nature and Calling of the Church (1958); and J.Y. Campbell, “The Origin and Meaning of the Christian Use of the Word Ekklesia” (1948:130-142).
[3] Everett Ferguson, The Church of Christ: A Biblical Ecclesiology for Today (1996:129-130); William Stewart, The Nature and Calling of the Church (1958:5-6); George G. Findlay, The Church of Christ as Set Forth in the New Testament (1893:9-10).
[4] J.W. Roberts, “The Meaning of Ekklesia in the New Testament” (1972:28).
[5] William Stewart, The Nature and Calling of the Church (1958:6).
[6] Dean Gilliland, Pauline Theology and Mission Practice (1983:183).
[7] J.W. Roberts, “The Meaning of Ekklesia in the New Testament” (1972:34).
[8] Kevin Giles, What On Earth Is the Church? (1995:25). Everett Ferguson also draws the same conclusion, The Church of Christ: A Biblical Ecclesiology for Today (1996:130-131). For more detailed discussions of this topic, see also J.A. Hort, The Christian Ecclesia (1914); and George Johnston, The Doctrine of the Church in the New Testament (1943).
[9] R. Bowen Ward, “Ekklesia: A Word Study” (1958:164-179); Geoffrey Preston, Faces of the Church: Meditations on a Mystery and Its Images (1997:9); and J.W. Roberts, “The Meaning of Ekklesia in the New Testament” (1972:29).
[10] F.J.A. Hort, The Christian Ecclesia (1914:10).
[11] Hort (1914:10).
[12] See Dean Gilliland, Pauline Theology and Mission Practice (1983:187); and James Dunn, The Theology of Paul the Apostle (1998:537).
[13] See R. Bowen Ward “Ekklesia: A Word Study” (1958); and Gerald Hawthorne, Ralph Martin, and Daniel Reid, Dictionary of Paul and His Letters (1993:124-126).
[14] Hawthorne, Martin, and Reid (1993:124).
[15] R. Bowen Ward, “Ekklesia: A Word Study” (1958:170).
[16] Gerald Hawthorne, Ralph Martin, and Daniel Reid, Dictionary of Paul and His Letters (1993:124).
[17] Gordon Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (1987:489).
[18] For details, see Rudolf Schnackenburg, The Church in the New Testament (1965:84).
[19] Roy Ward, “Ekklesia: A Word Study” (1958:170).
[20] See especially the works of James D.G. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New Testament: An Inquiry into the Character of Earliest Christianity (1990). See also E. Käsemann and Raymond Brown, “Unity and Diversity in New Testament Ecclesiology” (1963).